Posted on 16-2-2002
Astro-Imperialism
- War in Space
Karl Grossman*
We have only a narrow window to prevent an arms race in space.
The US
military is seeking to base weapons in orbit to "control space"
[Winter-Spring'99 EIJ]. Vision for 2020, a 1998 government report,
explains
that the role of the United States Space Command (USSC) will
be to dominate
"the space dimension of military operations to protect US interests
and
investment. Integrating Space Forces into warfighting capabilities
across
the full spectrum of conflict."
The USSC not only plans to fight wars in space: It is also planning
to wage
war from space. In an Aviation Week and Space Technology article
on the
"Future Combat Missions in Space," General Joseph Ashy, Commander-in-Chief
of the US Space Command vowed: "We will engage terrestrial targets
someday--ships, airplanes, land targets--from space." A 1998
USAF report
envisions bombers in space orbit capable of dropping "a precision
munition,
anywhere on Earth, in less than an hour from the 'go' order."
"It's politically sensitive, but it's going to happen," says
the general.
"Some people don't want to hear this, and it sure isn't in vogue,
but
absolutely--we're going to fight in space . . . . That's why
the US has
development programs in directed energy and hit-to-kill mechanisms."
Asst. Secretary of the Air Force for Space Keith Hall (who also
is director
of the secretive National Reconnaissance Office, whose $6.8
billion budget
is nearly triple the CIA's) has declared: "With regard to space
dominance,
we have it, we like it, and we're going to keep it."
The USSC's 1998 Long Range Plan notes that "The development
and production
process, by design, involved hundreds of people including about
75
corporations." Phillips Laboratory, a major Air Force contractor,
proudly
describes its mission as "helping control space for the United
States." But
who exactly gave the US authority to control space?
In February 1999, Clinton sent Congress a military budget that
asked for
$6.6 billion to develop a National Missile Defense (NMD) shield
by 2005.
The previous year, the Pentagon signed a contract for construction
of a
Space-Based Laser Readiness Demonstrator. The major contractors
were TRW,
Boeing, the US Air Force and the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization
(the new name for President Clinton's reborn version of President
Reagan's
discredited Star Wars).
The US Space Foundation (a coalition of weapons and aerospace
giants)
praised the contracts for Star Wars II in an ad that proclaimed
"the
interdependence of Civil and Commercial and Military space efforts.
It is
clear that 'space is open for business'."
"The US government, particularly the new unified Space Command,
has become
more and more brazen in saying that it wants to achieve total
dominance of
the space around the planet, both in terms of weaponization
and in control
of all resources," says Loring Wirbel, a critic of the US push
to weaponize
space. Unfortunately, Wirbel added, "The more we try to achieve
dominance
through wielding power and having our own way all the time,
the more we
lose the essence of our democracy that makes us an exceptional
nation. The
more we move towards this dominance regime, the more I have
to say I'm
embarrassed to be an American."
Military Space Forces: The Next 50 Years , a book by defense
specialist
John M. Collins, reports how small nuclear reactors could be
used to power
space-based lasers, neutral particle beams, mass drivers and
railguns.
Nuclear reactors could support major bases on the moon.
Military Space Forces, a report commissioned by the US Congress,
speaks of
the "strategic superiority [of] . . . unilateral control of
space, which
overarches Planet Earth, all occupants and its entire contents
. . .
Possessors of that vantage position could overpower every opponent."
The Outer Space Treaty of 1967 is the basic framework on international
space law. This landmark treaty--signed by 91 nations including
the US, the
UK, and the former Soviet Union--decrees that space shall be
used "for
peaceful purposes . . . . The exploration and use of outer space,
including
the moon and other celestial bodies, shall be carried out for
the benefit
and in the interest of all countries." The treaty states that
no nation
shall "place in orbit around the Earth any objects carrying
nuclear weapons
or any other kinds of weapons of mass destruction."
The US already is in violation of the Outer Space Treaty's provision
that
"states shall be liable for damage caused by their space objects."
In 1991,
the US placed its nuclear space flights under the Price-Anderson
Act, a US
law that limits domestic accident liability to $8.9 billion
and foreign
claims to a mere $100 million.
The White House declared on November 5, 1999 that it was prepared
to deploy
the $20 billion NMD system even if it violated the historic
Anti-Ballistic
Missile treaty--an agreement the Union of Concerned Scientists
has called
"the cornerstone for stability and arms control." The White
House seemed to
be taking its lead from a 1998 Space News essay entitled "Seeking
American
Space Dominance." In this article, Thiokol Corp. Vice President
Tidal W.
McCoy thundered that, when it comes to US dreams of space superiority,
"Phony arms control issues . . . should not continue to stand
in our way."
A few days prior to the White House statement, Russia "sent
a message" to
the US by launching its own version of a short-range "defensive"
ABM
missile. That same week, an overwhelming anti-deployment vote
in the UN saw
every member of the European Union side with Russia in opposing
deployment
of the NMD.
Undeterred by international opposition, President Clinton is
set to decide
in June whether to proceed with development of the NMD. The
June decision
date is a charade. It will take at least 19 tests to determine
if the NMD
is even feasible but only three will have been attempted by
June. According
to the New York Times, "weapons experts doubt that the first
three tests
will provide enough information to make a sound judgement."
Star Wars II is clearly on the fast track. The GOP-controlled
Congress
approved the NMD program last May by a lopsided 345-71 vote.
Five months
later, the USAF launched the first NMD test from a base in California.
The White House is promoting the NMD system as a "defensive"
measure but
this is a Trojan Horse for a hidden military agenda. USAF Vice-Chief
of
Staff Gen. Lester Lyles was perfectly clear about the ultimate
role of the
NMD: "Space control and all of its capabilities and ramifications
. . . are
going to grow exponentially," Lyles has stated. "Ultimately,
you can see
the Air Force deploying systems that can deny space capabilities
to our
enemies."
The New York Times reports that NATO's European members fear
the NMD "will
put their countries at risk." Senate Armed Services Committee
member
Charles Robb (D-VA) has called the NMD "a mistake of historic
proportion."
Even the conservative Washington Times pointed out that "The
drawback of
America's long-range missile reach is that it is driving more
nations to
seek nuclear weapons and long-range missiles capable of reaching
US soil."
So why is this destabilizing $20 billion boondoggle happening?
The answer
is simple: $20 billion. Every time there is an arms race, the
arms industry
wins. The Pentagon's $288 billion FY 2000 budget contains massive
increases
for a number of new weapons programs including the Space-Based
Infrared
Satellite, the Milstar Satellite, the Space-Based Laser Project
and the
Navy Theater Missile Defense System.
Noting that US companies are "likely to invest $500 billion
in space by
2010," US News & World Report observed that the Space Command
"will be
called upon to defend American interests in space much as navies
were
formed to protect sea commerce in the 1700s."
The USSC's Long Range Plan stresses that these private corporate
interests
"must be fully protected to ensure our nation's freedom of action
in space."
Water, helium-3, and strategic minerals have been detected on
the moon. The
Global Network Against Weapons and Nuclear Power in Space (GNAW)
warns "US
aerospace corporations intend to seize control of these resources
for
exploitation and profit. The Space Command will ensure US control."
According to GNAW, "efforts now are underway to circumvent the
UN Moon
Treaty [because it] . . . does not allow for individual or corporate
land
claims."
Not all business in space is welcomed. A November 1999 cover
story in US
News & World Report cited the DOD's concerns that a private
US company was
about to launch a commercial satellite that would permit it
to sell
high-resolution "spy satellite" images to civilians and foreign
clients.
"That had to be stopped. But how?" US News fretted. Had the
satellite not
crashed into the Pacific Ocean, US News clearly implied, the
DOD would have
been impelled to shoot the company's satellite out of orbit.
The US hopes to be able to determine "which nations will have
access to
space," says GNAW "During times of hostilities, the Pentagon
intends to
attack rival nation's satellites with anti-satellite (ASAT)
weapons."
On November 1, 1999, 138 members of the United Nations approved
a
resolution on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space
to assure that
space "shall be used for peaceful purposes." The US cast the
only
abstaining vote.
"[M]any now believe it is inevitable that weapons will invade
space," US
News propagandized. Perhaps recalling the faked Gulf of Tonkin
incident
that widened the Vietnam War, US News concluded its report with
a deeply
troubling paragraph: "In the end, it may take a Pearl Harbor-like
attack on
a satellite to justify such a momentous move. But, if that day
arrives, the
Pentagon may pull a few surprises of its own off the shelf."
What You Can Do: Ask the White House and Congress to halt further
spending
on "Star Wars II"-- the National Missile Defense system. For
more
information, contact: the Global Network [PO Box 90083, Gainesville,
FL
32607, (352) 337-9274].
* Karl Grossman is a full professor of journalism at the State
University
of New York/College at Old Westbury. He the recipient of the
George Polk
and John Peter Zenger reporting awards, and the author of The
Wrong Stuff:
The Space Program's Nuclear Threat To Our Planet [Common Courage
Press, Box
702, Monroe, Maine, 04951)
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