Quiet Takeover Of Public Service
posted
17th August 2000
by
Wayne Brittenden
After the fall of the Berlin Wall, we produced a documentary, The
Invisible Wall, anticipating that the elimination of the east-west
wall would be followed by the strengthening of the north-south divide.
With the collapse of a counter ideology, the developing world would
lose one of its few bargaining chips - playing one power block against
the other for economic favours. Just as Thatcherism - or Rogernomics
- benefited some of the lower middle classes while further marginalising
the poorest, global Thatcherism would bolster the Malaysias and
South Koreas while plunging the likes of Sudan into an even deeper
crisis. In our programme a GATT executive acknowledged that world
free trade had nothing to offer the poorest societies.
The
much-vaunted "trickle-down" effect might more accurately be described
as " peed upon". We would have rather been wrong, but it's encouraging
to see how far public opinion has come in recognising the realities
for the developing world of unfettered market forces. What the 50,000
anti-WTO demonstrators last November in Seattle were ultimately
demonstrating against was their own sense of powerlessness. There
seemed to be nowhere else to turn. In an age when half of the world's
hundred strongest economies are now companies rather than countries,
asking the nation state to curb the likes of Microsoft - even if
it wanted to - is about as helpful as deploying a slingshot to bring
down Concorde. On the health front, of course, things look bad for
the world's poorest countries. The WTO is pressing them to abandon
their efforts to make desperately needed medications more affordable
through generic drugs and other policies. WTO rules allow corporations
to secure exclusive marketing rights over medicinal remedies that
have been used by indigenous groups for centuries.
Similarly, millions may face starvation because agribusiness has
been given the go-ahead to patent seeds created over generations
in villages around the world, and then charge annual re-planting
fees to the subsistence farmers who developed them. What hasn't
come out of the Seattle and post-Seattle coverage is the vulnerability
of the world's richest countries as well. WTO intends to privatise
the provision of traditional public services - social housing, transport,
education, health and welfare, through the General Agreement on
Trade in Services (GATS). International competition has resulted
in the decline of manufacturing as an economic base, so American
and European corporations are turning to services as an alternative
money-spinner. The WTO's preoccupation with the service industry
underlines its immense commercial significance. The shared risks
and public accountability of traditional public health services
are now under sustained attack. The private sector's growing involvement
in the health and welfare field means the dismantling of the European
welfare state, and its culture of universality and equality. Governments
are deregulating and privatising public service funding and delivery;
services are contracted out, and compulsory competitive tendering
- "best value" - is rationalising the establishment of public-private
partnerships. Two-thirds of the European Union's economy and employment
is in the service sector, which accounts for a quarter of total
exports and a half of all foreign investment. In the USA, service
exports account for a third of economic growth over the last five
years and, even in the less developed world, private investment
promises a bonanza.
Powerful
transnational groupings like the Coalition of Service Industries
in the U.S. have long protested that the public ownership of health
care in many countries has been an impediment to the ambitions of
American private sector interests - with the pharmaceutical and
insurance industries at the forefront. GATS Article 1.3 states that
a government service is one "which is supplied neither on a commercial
basis nor in competition with one or more service suppliers". According
to the WTO, such services must be provided free of charge, yet the
hospital sector in many countries consists of government-owned and
privately owned entities which charge either the patient or the
insurance company. WTO argues that wherever there is such a combination
of private and public funding, the service sector should be wide
open to foreign corporations. In other words, in much of the developing
and developed world everything from hospitals and outpatient clinics
to home care facilities will be up for grabs. Income and health
inequalities will continue to widen. It's a worrying reflection
on the state of current affairs coverage in the mainstream media
that, in their generally uncritical acceptance of the inevitability
of these directions, the implications have not been brought before
the public.
It was left to a medical journal, The Lancet, to spell them out
in a recent remarkable, if daunting, article. Its writers called
for public action: "The US and European Union governments are aggressively
backing this project in the interests of the business corporations.
But the assault on our hospitals and schools and public service
infrastructure depends on a promise from one government to another
to expand private markets. Such promises can be kept only if domestic
opposition to privatisation is held in check. We need to constantly
reassert the principles and values on which European health-care
systems are based, and resist the WTO agenda.". While the WTO sees
its agenda as entirely desirable, the WHO recognises the social
costs of creating a system that will further enrich some while plunging
billions worldwide into greater poverty. The World Health Organisation
says that by 2020 the treatment of such mental illnesses as depression
will consume more resources than heart diseases, as populations
struggle with heightened anxiety and unprecedented social dislocation.
We're expected to enthuse over our brave new economic world, where
high inflation is becoming a thing of the past, as are universal
health care, job security and state pensions. The transnational
corporations, untouched by the constraints of national loyalty,
social responsibility and democratic accountability, are on an incessant
global search for vulnerable public services and the cheapest "flexible"
workforces.
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posters with messages that demand jobs and an end to poverty.
These foot-soldiers are mobilisi

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