Posted on 8-7-2004
The
no worries society
Australian nonchalance can hide an unwillingness to look squarely
at the country's race problems, writes David Fickling
Tuesday July 6, 2004
Australian racists hate to be told they are racists. When an
Australian recommends the forced eviction of Aborigines from
their own land, it is presented as social welfare. When an Australian
advocates imprisoning Iraqi and Afghan refugees in secretive
detention camps, it is presented as border control.
So when Australian racists first raised objections to the building
of a small Muslim prayer hall in the Sydney suburb of Annangrove
last year, they used a typically weaselly complaint. The problem
with the hall, objectors argued, was that 80 men and women turning
up to pray twice a week would irrevocably change the purportedly
semi-rural character of the area.
To reinforce the non-racist point, last month attackers desecrated
the building site with a bucket of blood and three pig's heads
on sticks. Abbas Aly, the developer of the site, it used to
such responses and takes it on the chin. When a planning application
for the hall first came before the local council in late 2002,
it was turned down by a vote of 10 to two. Baulkham Hills council
had received 5,180 letters objecting to the prayer hall - an
average of around 10 letters from each of the 530 addresses
which submitted complaints, although one diligent household
managed to mail out 260.
Councillors might normally be expected to stand up for rational
clearheadedness in the face of such hysteria, but after Australia's
2001 federal election the views of a racist minority have acquired
a new sanctity. The deputy mayor said the development should
be stopped because a Muslim prayer hall would go against the
"shared beliefs, customs and values of the local community".
His boss, less keen to mince words, told a mediation meeting
that "girls and ladies" felt they would be at risk
from family groups coming to the suburb to pray.
The provisional wing of this movement helped out by chucking
a brick through the windows of a house standing on the site,
setting fire to its rubbish bins, and scrawling graffiti over
it. After a court battle overturned the council's planning refusal
last year, the campaign continued, culminating in last month's
attack.
The intimidation has not distracted Mr Aly from continuing
to build. Muslim law, he points out, only forbids the consumption
of pork: the attackers appear to have hoped to render the site
ritually unclean, but rehabilitation will involve nothing more
complicated than washing off the bloodstains.
He also maintains that local churches have supported him in
his battle against the council and the redneck objectionists,
despite widespread reporting linking the attacks to the fact
that Baulkham Hills is the closest thing Sydney has to a Bible
belt.
There is an important point here. In the wake of September
11 and the Bali bombings, Islamophobic attacks in Australia
have a particular resonance and importance, but they are far
from unique. Indeed, what is often most striking in Australia
is how common such racism is and how little it is remarked upon.
Australian readers, who are deeply touchy about criticism from
expat poms, will be quick to point out that Britons are in no
place to preach. Only last week, the Guardian reported that
stop-and-search of British Asians under post-September 11 anti-terror
laws quadrupled in 2003, leading to fresh concerns about racial
profiling. Refugees are scapegoated in Britain much as they
are in Australia, though for the most part with less damaging
effect.
But the important distinction comes in the way the two countries
treat the racism in their societies. In Britain, years of campaigning
have resulted in a climate where the political mainstream sees
open bigotry as a grave problem that should be tackled; in Australia,
such behaviour is still tolerated.
Imagine, for instance, if three Asian restaurants were firebombed
in one night in a British regional city, accompanied by swastikas
painted on the walls. Imagine if the police force investigating
the attacks were already under fire for an incident involving
officers dressing as Ku Klux Klan members.
Or imagine if a senior officer on the nation's largest police
force - equally under fire for its handling of some of the biggest
race riots in the nation's history - were to be caught using
similar language to that of Mark Wright, a New South Wales police
superintendent who has escaped punishment after describing police
operations among rural Aborigines as "chasing coons around
the bush".
It doesn't take a great stretch to imagine the sequence of
events happening in Britain, but the public response has been
dramatically different. Whereas the scandals over nail bomber
David Copeland and the BBC's Secret Policeman documentary caused
prolonged bouts of soul-searching in the British media, this
has all happened over the past year with barely a peep of criticism
from papers, radio and television.
It's not just the media that are ignoring the problem either.
Try to gain a picture of the extent of racially-motivated crime
in Australia and you'll draw a blank, because police don't believe
there's a need to keep statistics on the subject.
It is hard to know what to make of this, especially since Australians
are for the most part a pretty tolerant bunch. Many are proud
of their country's multiculturalism, and the proportion of non-white
ethnic groups is marginally higher than in the UK. Some of the
most apparently backward outback towns have welcomed refugees
into their communities, on the admirably pragmatic grounds that
it's worthwhile having hard workers in depressed towns regardless
of their complexion or religion.
But the failure of all but the most committed placard-wavers
to face up to the darker side of life in Australia still stands
out. Many expat poms here describe a similar feeling about their
new home - a combined excitement about the positive outlook
on life, along with a baffled disappointment at the seeming
unreality of things.
Stand around a barbie on a midwinter weekend when the mercury
stands at 25°C, and it's easy to forget that you're living
in a rich country where a third of Aboriginal children are malnourished,
where refugee children are incarcerated for up to five years
without trial, and where the government lies to the people to
win elections and prosecute adventurist wars. Scandals that
would bring down a Westminster government scarcely rate a tremor
on Canberra's political seismometer.
Perhaps it's something to do with all that sunshine. Like SAD
sufferers let loose in a solarium, Australians have a relentless
optimism about their country, characterised by the cliched mantras
of "no worries" and "she'll be [all] right".
At best, this is a healthy corrective to the negativity summed
up in the image of the whinging pom; at worst, it takes the
form of a state of denial about the things that are wrong with
the country.
It needs to change. Australia should be able to build a sense
of self-respect without recourse to evasive myths that treat
racism as a family secret to be swept under the carpet and ignored.
The British may love to scratch away at their sores, but scrutinising
your sickness might just give you a chance to cure it. Pretending
it doesn't exist does nothing but give it time to spread.
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